Protestor often fail to recognize that US-Israel relations are far more complex than they believe.

Donald Trump and Kamala Harris both support Israel vehemently; though Harris tempers her commitment with calls for peacemaking efforts and recognition of Palestinian rights.

As his opponent in the race is already far-flung, it has limited their ability to exert pressure upon Netanyahu; therefore he defies Biden’s request that they agree on a ceasefire agreement.

As such, pro-Palestinian activists view U.S.-Israel ties as simply another transaction in which Washington provides weapons, funds and diplomatic support in exchange for voting bloc votes from Jewish Americans.

History shows a much more nuanced picture. Contrary to popular perception, the United States hasn’t always supported Israel and has typically had some influence over Israeli policy decisions.

Relationships were formed even prior to Israel becoming a country.

After World War II, many of the over 250,000 holocaust survivors languished in displaced person camps as refugees were unable to return home and uncertain where they could begin anew; many sought immigration into what then existed as British Mandate of Palestine as potential destinations.

Following the Arab Revolt (1936-1939), Britain promised to cease Jewish immigration into Palestine. President Harry Truman became concerned by this promise and requested creation of an Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry; its subsequent report in 1946 recommended admission of 100,000 refugee into Palestine as soon as possible.

As long as the United Kingdom received American financial and military support, its forces would renounce efforts to combat an uprising by Zionist insurgents in Palestine.

As soon as Israel declared independence on May 14, 1948, Truman quickly acknowledged it.

“Truman sought recognition of Jewish-American voters as part of his strategy in winning back votes in Illinois, Pennsylvania and New York states he desperately needed for his reelection campaign,” according to historian David McCullough. Attempts at reconciliation would likely fail as Democratic challengers battled among themselves for supremacy during his third and fourth terms as president, according to historian McCullough’s observation.

U.S. recognition gave Israel much-needed legitimacy; however, Truman failed to supply arms necessary for defence during 1948 Arab-Israeli fighting and did not guarantee future support either.

Washington stood against Israel during the 1956 Suez Crisis and President Eisenhower ordered Britain out of its presence within Suez Canal zone while pressuring Israel to pull back from Gaza and Sinai.

Johnson administration (1963-1969). While providing some weapons and money, Washington did not grant Israel everything it desired from Washington.

A Johnson Administration memo dating from April 1967 indicated U.S. concerns over fueling an arms race between Arab states, such as in Syria and Lebanon, and Israel over their nuclear weapon program as grounds to withhold aid to that nation.

As part of its efforts to maintain balance of power, the U.S. also supplied weapons to Jordan.

In June 1967, Israel defeated Egypt, Jordan and Syria in the Six-Day War and captured West Bank, Gaza and Golan territory from them. Instead of demanding immediately that these areas were returned under Johnson’s “land for peace” plan he proposed that their withdrawal be contingent upon signing peace treaties between Arab states and themselves.

U.S. voters also supported UN Resolution 242, calling upon Israel to return land seized during the Six-Day War.

At the height of the 1973 Yom Kippur War, relations between Israel and the U.S. under President Richard Nixon saw another transformational turning point: When Syria and Egypt’s coordinated attacks caught Israel by surprise, President Nixon airlifted arms and ammunition that enabled Israel’s military to drive back the attackers while Arab members of OPEC threatened an oil embargo in retaliation against America.

Jimmy Carter’s election in 1976 led to significant policy adjustments. Carter brokered the Camp David Accords between Egypt and Israel that resulted in Egypt receiving Sinai back and both nations receiving increased U.S. military and other assistance.

Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush did not exert pressure on Israel to implement Resolution 242, returning both West Bank and Golan territories back. Jordan later relinquished its claim over both West Bank and Gaza territories.

Bill Clinton then assisted with the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993, leading to Prime Minister Yitzak Rabin and Palestine Liberation Organization Chairman Yasser Arafat’s historic handshake and handover of documents to their respective governments.

PLO leaders agreed to end violence and recognize Israel’s right to exist in exchange for creating the Palestinian Authority, which governs parts of West Bank and Gaza. Unfortunately, however, this deal wasn’t widely supported on Israel’s right; ultimately causing its author, Rabin to be assassinated in November 1995 by an ultra-Zionist assailant.

Netanyahu first became prime minister in 1996. Although his Likud Party opposed the two-state solution outlined by Oslo Accords, he attempted to advance peace processes until losing power himself in 1999.

After 9/11, President George W. Bush’s administration was no longer inclined to promote Palestinian aspirations against Israeli opposition – especially given that America had designated Hamas, which took control of Gaza in 2007, as a terrorist organization.

Barack Obama was elected in 2008, followed by Netanyahu’s return to power the following year, further shifting U.S.-Israel ties. While Obama continued military aid for Israel while also entering into an Iran nuclear deal which Netanyahu fiercely opposed. After taking office, Trump disengaged from this agreement while also moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and recognising Israeli sovereignty over Golan Heights.

President Biden initially gave Israel unconditional support; as time progressed and deaths increased in Gaza, however, President Biden began pressuring Prime Minister Netanyahu to exercise restraint and limit Israel’s response to attacks by Iran or Hezbollah to help avoid regional warfare.

As this brief historical overview demonstrates, U.S.-Israel relations have always been defined by an intricate web of domestic politics and foreign policy interests in both countries.

At best, the notion that American Jews can be controlled via one issue is simplistic; at worst it borders on antisemitic. Votes will likely reflect an array of issues relevant to all types of voters as has always been done historically.

This year’s election presents voters with an important choice. One candidate would provide Israel with unrestricted support; while another will balance aid with efforts toward lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians that guarantees both parties equal rights.

Pro-Palestinian demonstrators should remember this when calling for an arms embargo against Israel that may impact on its outcome.

Tom Mockaitis is an associate professor of history at DePaul University and author of “Violent Extremists: Examining Domestic and International Terrorist Threat.”